| Thanks to
the lucid and factual presentation by Ato Haimanot Lakew on the economic
development in Ethiopia on May 7, 2006, Hager Fiker Radio listeners are
now better informed of developmental realities in Ethiopia. He did what
the EPRDF or the government failed to do throughout its rule. It is gratifying
to note that the government has, among others, started to correct this failure
as evidenced by its program “Guest is waiting for your questions”
posted in Walta Information Center.
Part
1 Mathza_Haimanot
Part
2 Mathza_Haimanot
“OPPOSITIONS DURING EPRDF ETHIOPIA
(Continued)”
OPPOSITIONS DURING EPRDF ETHIOPIA
By Mathza, (Originally posted at
Aiga, March 25, 2004)
PART I: POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY
E: Governance
Governance in Ethiopia based on an emerging democracy enjoys the support
of the international community. The latest comes from the German Chancellor
Gerhard Schroder. He said "Ethiopian (sic) has become exemplary regarding
good governance. It has also opened up to a reform process that we entirely
support." In contrast, oppositions deny the existence of any semblance
of governance. They ascribe all undesirable happenings in the country
to the government. They exaggerate and capitalize on short comings, mistakes,
misjudgments, failures, wrongdoings, etc. emanating from governance. The
difficult circumstances under which the government operates in this poverty
stricken country is of no concern to them. They do not admit the gross
inadequacy of human and financial resources to effectively enforce government
rules and regulations.
Some of them dwell on such criticisms and misconceptions because of lack
of knowledge and experience of what it takes to run a government. Flaring-up
of feuds between neighboring tribes/clans and ethnic clashes, particularly
between nomadic communities (some manipulated and fueled by oppositions
and separatists themselves) are, for example, presented as something unusual,
the creation of the present government and the result of ethnic federalism.
These incidents are not peculiar to Ethiopia; they have been happening
and continue to happen in neighboring countries. With drought, a matter
of life and death, there is nothing to prevent pastoralists from crossing
borders to grazing and watering areas whether the borders are ethnic borders
or not. It is mind boggling to fathom how some even go to the extent of
accusing the government of purposely causing the clashes. The same goes
with the demonic thinking of government creating religious conflicts when
it is very well known that the government is intolerant to religious disturbances.
It is worth mentioning here that the Christians-Muslims relationship in
Ethiopia has been described “exemplary” by Ethiopian moslems
themselves.
In the few cases where interstate boundaries were contested the boundaries
were delimited with the intervention of the Council of Federation. In
regard to traditional inter- and intra-ethnic conflicts, the government
has trained and is in the process of training persons useful in resolving
ethnic conflicts through traditional mechanisms in all the states with
actual and potential conflicts. At the intra state level, six pastoralist
communities in SNNPS “have agreed to resolve conflicts in a sustainable
manner” at a conference held last year. This is a good example of
the use of traditional mechanisms in a democratic system. It is likely
that the same approach will be applied to solve the latest conflict in
the Gambella State as well as that between Somalis and Oromos in the east
of the country.
The old-fashioned and discriminatory governance by the previous governments
are the reasons why some of the states (Somali, Afar, Gambella and Benishangul-Gumuz)
have had difficulty administering themselves. Their people’ sparticipation
in governance during the previous regimes was limited mainly to lower
level posts. As a result, the leaderships lacked the experience and capability
to administer and misused resources allocated to them. Despite this, they
have made progress thanks to the special attention given to disadvantaged
states: a higher proportion of resource allocation, temporary assignment
of experienced manpower from other states, use of institutional facilities
in other states and capacity building, including training of their civil
servants in the Ethiopian Public Service College and other institutions.
Bilateral agreements with the neighboring Amhara and Tigrai States to
cooperate in executing development projects were recently effected. For
the long-term, boarding schools have been opened to encourage, facilitate
and ensure students in the pastoral communities to go to school and thereby
address regional disparity in education.
When vehemently criticizing the government, oppositions do not, of course,
talk of the other constraints that the government faces in a very traditional
society with deep rooted social and cultural values and norms and very
diversified at that. These include: individual destiny predetermined by
God; no work done on saints and angels days; unaffordable expenses related
to weddings, funerals, etc. (currently steps being taken in Tigray State
to drastically reduce and/or eliminate them); tolerating begging (originating
in traditional schools where students fed themselves by begging); and
wrong attitude of people to work, specially menial work. The last is not
acceptable to many people because it does not fall within the traditional
nobility/military, clergy or peasantry categorization. These problems
are compounded by resistance to change (mainly within the church itself)
that the Ethiopian Orthodox Church administration is trying to make related
to these and other constraints. Another problem related to tradition is
bribe, gifts to officials at every level. Many public servants continue
to exploit this tradition. This tradition together with rendering free
service has its roots as a form of compensation to officials during the
feudal system -- when salaries were unheard of. Is it not apparent that
the pace of development, in part at least, depends on the crucial change
in the attitude of the people and that it takes time? There is no magic
wand for an instantaneous attitudinal change.
They discount and spin the correct justifications for actions taken by
the government and misinterpret and twist the matter to serve their own
agendas. They do anything and everything to condemn the government and
in the process misinform and misdirect the people. For instance, they
repeat ad infinitum that 40 university students instead of hooligans were
killed in April 2001 riot instigated by the oppositions themselves. They
should understand that they are responsible for the consequences, criminal
and other undesirable actions taken by individuals and groups, because
of their misinformation and misdirection. They have no conscience. What
a disgrace!
The latest criticism on governance comes from a research conducted by
the Addis Ababa University (AAU) and the Economic Commission for Africa
(ECA). The research involved 80 experts and 2,500 households. According
to the research, “limited accountability in the government was observed
... the general public in Ethiopia was not convinced that there were sufficient
checks and balances among the three branches of the government ... about
45 percent of the experts believed that the appointment of civil servants
was rarely governed by merit principles, while another 29 percent mentioned
that it was governed by merit principles,” etc. In regard to the
appointment, what was the opinion of the balance, 26%? What criteria were
used to select the experts and the household samples? How representative
were the households samples? What were the compositions of the experts
and the household samples in terms of ethnicity, urban/rural area, level
of education, social standing, membership in or supporters of oppositions
or government, etc.? What was the ECA/AAU experts ratio? What questions
were asked and how were they framed? What about citing some analytical
numbers, such as margin of error? Inclusion of answers to these and related
questions would go a long way to dispel doubts that readers may entertain
on the article on the research posted on the Ethiopian Reporter. Similar
questions and comments apply to other researches and surveys cited in
this writing.
This government, unlike its predecessors, should be given credit for self
criticism and ferreting and admitting mistakes and failures. It is among
the first 18 African Union member countries that committed themselves
to undergo “peer review.” Government officials are humans
and to err is human. Those who admit and correct their errors are true
leaders. The on-going renewal process is, among other things, designed
to minimize repeat of the bad aspect of the past. Gemgema, which is not
to the liking of the oppositions and saboteurs, is one of the methods
intended to inculcate responsibility on the part of civil servants and
monitor their actions. According to the President of the Ethiopia and
the Addis Ababa Chambers of Commerce “bureaucracy in governmental
offices is significantly improving.” This, coming from the business
community, is a good indication of what could be expected -- a higher
level of democracy and development despite the oppositions’ obstacles
and machinations to thwart progress the country direly needs.
F: Support of the People
We hear and read that the government has no support of the people, that
the people do not have confidence in the government, that the people hate
the government, that the people do not trust the government, that the
people are refusing to fall prey to the scheme of ethnic politics, etc.
“The EPRDF-led government blamed for its lack of legitimacy”
was the title of an article that recently appeared in the Ethiopian Reporter
website. What are the basis for these baseless accusations and lies? Are
they based on surveys or polls, such as the unscientific and inherently
biased polls that pop up now and then in some websites? How can they make
such outrageous and sweeping generalizations in a country like Ethiopia
where there are no ways and means to gauge the opinion of the people?
Do they refer to the losers, some people in Addis Ababa and some other
cities who lost wealth (land and houses) as well as power and all that
goes with the latter (benefits, exploitation of the people and undue imposed
respect/getoch)? These are persons with vested interest in the old systems
who object to the government’s emphasis on “ethnic power-sharing
and even employment opportunities.” They are against the equitable
sharing of power, wealth, rights and duties by the diversified ethnic
groups. These same persons are the ones who ardently oppose affirmative
action in Ethiopia but support it in the United States.
These naysayers label the present government a TPLF/Woyanne minority government
as the Eritreans and their government do with a view to fomenting discord
among Ethiopians and thereby destabilizing Ethiopia. This, of course,
is not true as the ethnic diversity and representation of officials in
the coalition government at all levels show. EPRDF and its affiliates,
without any doubt, do represent the peoples of Ethiopia, including the
minorities, from day one of the rule of this government. It should be
recalled that the transitional government was formed based on the charter
that was approved by EPRDF and the then anti-Derg oppositions, including
exiles in the Diaspora, which EPRDF invited to participate in a national
conference. There is no denying that the EPRDF was inclusive from the
outset.
From the numerous articles posted on the internet one would conclude that
there is a huge force and people’s support out there capable of
banishing the incumbent government whose resignation they demand. Most
of the writers are individuals, private press and those who claim to have
supporters (parties, movements, etc.) have in reality no roots in the
populations or negligible following. Although they pretend to, they do
not really represent the interest of the people. This is the reason why
many of them have been boycotting participation in elections in the past,
knowing full well and fearing that they would be exposed for what they
are. Their boycotts were excuses for their miserable failures to attract
followers. The latest technology, remote control, could only give them
virtual reality followers.
By the way, some of the Ethiopians who pretend to support the oppositions
in the Diaspora are individuals looking for a short cut to getting green
cards or similar documents. Such individuals make outrageous statements
against the government and have their pictures taken at rallies organized
in opposition of the government to present to the US Immigration and Naturalization
Service and the equivalent institutions in other countries as proof that
they will be persecuted if they go back to Ethiopia. It is possible that
some of the government officials defected for the same purpose using similar
tactics. Except for few persons (in single digit) wanted for criminal
acts during the Derg regime, there has not been a single Diaspora Ethiopian
inconvenienced, detained or imprisoned while visiting Ethiopia. On the
contrary, Ethiopians in the Diaspora, unlike Eritreans (see the Testimony
of Mr. Mohammed Musa Ibrahim in Awate.com, 03/17/04) and the so-called
Amches, are welcomed home without any strings attached. Their political
affiliations and their vehement/absurd criticisms against the EPRDF and
the government do not matter. Even those with adopted foreign nationalities
have the same rights, with very few exceptions, as their brothers and
sisters in Ethiopia.
If those opposed to the government are to win followers, which are lacking
or are grossly inadequate, even to entitle them to a single seat in the
parliament -- specially those in the Diaspora who still maintain their
Ethiopian citizenship -- they should come out with realistic and acceptable
alternative workable solutions to the problems which form the subject
matter of their criticisms. They are incapable of innovating new ideas
(except parroting ad infinitum their opposition to ethnic-based federalism
and state ownership of land). This is so because most of the relevant
issues specific to Ethiopian conditions that could form realistic plans
and programs are already appropriately being dealt with by the government.
There are elements among them who believe in hereditary rule and are convinced
that there is nobody other than their ethnic group that should, could
and are capable to rule Ethiopia. They have, for over a decade, been predicting
the impending fall of the government, a wishful thinking. They hallucinate
the handing over of the administration of Ethiopia to them on a silver
platter. They better come down from their ivory towers; face reality;
this is the 21st century! There is no way that a single ethnic group could
ever dominate the scene of Ethiopian body politics or rule Ethiopia anymore.
They should wake up, those days of one ethnic domination over others are
gone for ever. They should accept realities for the sake of Ethiopia,
if they are genuinely concerned about the country they claim they love.
(To be continued)
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